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May 18, 2004: Staff Sgt. Kevin Jessen checks the underside of two
anti-tank mines found in a village outside Ad Dujayl, Iraq in the
Sunni Triangle. Initially, Iraqi resistance (known to the coalition
as "Anti-Iraqi Forces") largely stemmed from fedayeen and Saddam/Baath
Party loyalists, but soon religious radicals and Iraqis angered by
the occupation contributed to the insurgency. The three provinces
with the highest number of attacks were Baghdad, Al Anbar, and Salah
Ad Din. Those three provinces account for 35% of the population, but
are responsible for 73% of U.S. military deaths (as of December 5,
2006), and an even higher percentage of recent U.S. military deaths
(about 80%). Insurgents use guerrilla tactics including;
mortars, missiles, suicide attacks, snipers, improvised explosive
devices (IEDs), car bombs, small arms fire (usually with assault
rifles), and RPGs (rocket propelled grenades), as well as sabotage
against the oil, water, and electrical infrastructure.
Post-invasion Iraq coalition efforts commenced after the fall of the
Hussein regime. The coalition nations, together with the United
Nations, began to work to establish a stable democratic state
capable of defending itself, holding itself together as well as
overcoming insurgent attacks and internal divisions.
Meanwhile, coalition military forces launched several operations
around the Tigris River peninsula and in the Sunni Triangle. A
series of similar operations were launched throughout the summer in
the Sunni Triangle. Toward the end of 2003, the intensity and pace
of insurgent attacks began to increase. A sharp surge in guerrilla
attacks ushered in an insurgent effort that was termed the "Ramadan
Offensive", as it coincided with the beginning of the Muslim holy
month of Ramadan. To counter this offensive, coalition forces begin
to use air power and artillery again for the first time since the
end of the invasion by striking suspected ambush sites and mortar
launching positions. Surveillance of major routes, patrols, and
raids on suspected insurgents were stepped up. In addition, two
villages, including Saddam’s birthplace of al-Auja and the small
town of Abu Hishma were wrapped in barbed wire and carefully
monitored.
However, the failure to restore basic services to pre-war levels,
where over a decade of sanctions, bombing, corruption, and decaying
infrastructure had left major cities barely functioning, contributed
to local anger at the IPA government headed by an executive council.
On July 2, 2003, President Bush declared that American troops would
remain in Iraq in spite of the attacks, challenging the insurgents
with "My answer is, bring'em on," a widely criticized line which
Bush later expressed misgivings about. In the summer of
2003, the multinational forces also focused on hunting down the
remaining leaders of the former regime. On July 22, a raid by the
U.S. 101st Airborne Division and soldiers from Task Force 20 killed
Saddam Hussein's sons (Uday and Qusay) along with one of his
grandsons. In all, over 300 top leaders of the former regime were
killed or captured, as well as numerous lesser functionaries and
military personnel.
Saddam Hussein captured
In the wave of intelligence information fueling the raids on
remaining Baath Party members connected to insurgency, Saddam
Hussein himself was captured on December 13, 2003 on a farm near
Tikrit in Operation Red Dawn. The operation was conducted by
the United States Army's 4th Infantry Division and members of Task
Force 121.
Saddam Hussein shortly after capture. Saddam was captured in a hole
below a two-room mud shack. When he was captured only a Styrofoam
square and a rug were between Saddam and U.S. forces. Major General
Raymond Odierno commented, “he was caught like a rat.” Intelligence
on Saddam’s whereabouts came from information obtained from his
family members and former bodyguards.
With the capture of Saddam and a drop in the number of insurgent
attacks, some concluded the multinational forces were prevailing in
the fight against the insurgency. The provisional government began
training the New Iraqi Security forces intended to defend the
country, and the United States promised over $20 billion in
reconstruction money in the form of credit against Iraq's future oil
revenues. Oil revenue was also used for rebuilding schools and for
work on the electrical and refining infrastructure.
Shortly after the capture of Saddam, elements left out of the
Coalition Provisional Authority began to agitate for elections and
the formation of an Iraqi Interim Government. Most prominent among
these was the Shia cleric Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani. The
Coalition Provisional Authority opposed allowing democratic
elections at this time, preferring instead to eventually hand-over
power to the Interim Iraqi Government. Due to the internal
fight for power in the new Iraqi government more insurgents stepped
up their activities. The two most turbulent centers were the area
around Fallujah and the poor Shia sections of cities from Baghdad (Sadr
City) to Basra in the south.
2004: The insurgency expands
The start of 2004 was marked by a relative lull in violence.
Insurgent forces reorganized during this time, studying the
multinational forces' tactics and planning a renewed offensive.
However, violence did increase during the Iraq Spring Fighting of
2004 with foreign fighters from around the Middle East as well as
al-Qaeda in Iraq (an affiliated al-Qaeda group), led by Abu Musab
al-Zarqawi helping to drive the insurgency.
As the insurgency grew there was a distinct change in targeting from
the coalition forces towards the new Iraqi Security Forces, as
hundreds of Iraqi civilians and police were killed over the next few
months in a series of massive bombings. An organized Sunni
insurgency, with deep roots and both nationalist and Islamist
motivations, was becoming more powerful throughout Iraq. The Shia
Mahdi Army also began launching attacks on coalition targets in an
attempt to seize control from Iraqi security forces. The southern
and central portions of Iraq were beginning to erupt in urban
guerrilla combat as multinational forces attempted to keep control
and prepared for a counteroffensive.
Coalition Provisional Authority director L. Paul Bremer signs over
sovereignty to the appointed Iraqi Interim Government, June 28,
2004.The most serious fighting of the war so far began on March 31,
2004, when Iraqi insurgents in Fallujah ambushed a Blackwater USA
convoy led by four American private military contractors who were
providing security for food caterers Eurest Support Services.
The four armed contractors, Scott Helvenston, Jerko Zovko, Wesley
Batalona, and Michael Teague, were killed with grenades and small
arms fire. Subsequently, their bodies were dragged from their
vehicles, beaten, set ablaze, and their burned corpses hung over a
bridge crossing the Euphrates. Photos of the event were
released to news agencies worldwide, causing a great deal of
indignation and moral outrage in the United States, and prompting an
unsuccessful "pacification" of the city: the First Battle of
Fallujah in April 2004.
The offensive was resumed in November, 2004 in the bloodiest battle
of the war so far: the Second Battle of Fallujah, described by the
U.S. military as "the heaviest urban combat (that they had been
involved in) since the battle of Hue City in Vietnam."
Intelligence briefings given prior to battle reported that Coalition
forces would encounter Chechnyan, Filipino, Saudi, Iranian, Italian,
and Syrian combatants, as well as native Iraqis. During
the assault, U.S. forces used white phosphorus as an incendiary
weapon against insurgent personnel, attracting controversy. The
10-day battle resulted in a victory for the coalition, with 54
Americans killed and approximately 1000 insurgents. Fallujah was
totally devastated during the fighting, though civilian casualties
were low, as they had mostly been evacuated before the fight.
Another major event of this year was the revelation of prisoner
abuse at Abu Ghraib which received international media attention in
April 2004. First reports of the abuse, as well as graphic pictures
showing American military personnel taunting and abusing Iraqi
prisoners, came to public attention from a 60 Minutes II news report
(April 28) and a Seymour M. Hersh article in the The New Yorker
(posted online on April 30). Thomas Ricks, an author who
has studied the war, claimed that these revelations dealt a blow to
the moral justifications for the occupation in the eyes of some
Iraqis and was a turning point in the war.
2005: Elections and transitional government
On January 31, Iraqis elected the Iraqi Transitional Government in
order to draft a permanent constitution. Although some violence and
widespread Sunni boycott marred the event, most of the eligible Kurd
and Shia populace participated. On February 4, Paul Wolfowitz
announced that 15,000 U.S. troops whose tours of duty had been
extended in order to provide election security would be pulled out
of Iraq by the next month. February to April proved to be
relatively peaceful months compared to the carnage of November and
January, with insurgent attacks averaging 30 a day from the prior
average of 70.
Saddam Hussein at his appearance before the Iraqi Special Tribunal
on July 1, 2004; he went on trial in Baghdad for crimes against
humanity on October 19, 2005Hopes for a quick end to an insurgency
and a withdrawal of U.S. troops were dashed in May, Iraq's bloodiest
month since the invasion. Suicide bombers, believed to be mainly
disheartened Iraqi Sunni Arabs, Syrians and Saudis, tore through
Iraq. Their targets were often Shia gatherings or civilian
concentrations mainly of Shias. As a result, over 700 Iraqi
civilians died in that month, as well as 79 U.S. soldiers.
The summer of 2005 saw fighting around Baghdad and at Tall Afar in
northwestern Iraq as US forces tried to seal off the Syrian border.
This led to fighting in the autumn in the small towns of the
Euphrates valley between the capital and the that border.
A constitutional referendum was held in October and a national
assembly was elected in December.
Insurgent attacks increased in 2005 with 34,131 recorded incidents,
compared to a total 26,496 for the previous year.
2006: Civil war and permanent Iraqi government
The beginning of 2006 was marked by government creation talks,
growing sectarian violence, and continuous anti-coalition attacks.
Sectarian violence expanded to a new level of intensity following
the al-Askari Mosque bombing in the Iraqi city of Samarra, on
February 22, 2006. The explosion at the mosque, one of the holiest
sites in Shi'a Islam, is believed to have been caused by a bomb
planted by Al-Qaeda in Iraq. Although no injuries occurred in the
blast, the mosque was severely damaged and the bombing resulted in
violence over the following days. Over 100 dead bodies with bullet
holes were found on February 23, and at least 165 people are thought
to have been killed. In the aftermath of this attack the US military
calculated that the average homicide rate in Baghdad tripled from 11
to 33 deaths per day. The United Nations has since described the
environment in Iraq as a "civil war-like situation." A 2006
study by the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health has
estimated that more than 601,000 Iraqis have died in violence since
the U.S. invasion and that fewer than one third of these deaths came
at the hands of Coalition forces. The Office of the
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and the Iraqi
government estimate that more than 365,000 Iraqis have been
displaced since the bombing of the al-Askari Mosque, bringing the
total number of Iraqi refugees to more than 1.6 million.
The current government of Iraq took office on May 20, 2006 following
approval by the members of the Iraqi National Assembly. This
followed the general election in December 2005. The government
succeeded the Iraqi Transitional Government which had continued in
office in a caretaker capacity until the formation of the permanent
government.
Increased sectarian violence
In September 2006, The Washington Post reported that the commander
of the Marine forces in Iraq filed "an unusual secret report"
concluding that the prospects for securing the Anbar province are
dim, and that there is almost nothing the U.S. military can do to
improve the political and social situation there.
Iraq was listed fourth on the 2006 Failed States Index compiled by
the American Foreign Policy magazine and the Fund for Peace
think-tank. The list was topped by Sudan.
As of October 20 the U.S. military announced that Operation Together
Forward had failed to stem the tide of violence in Baghdad, and
Shiite militants under al-Sadr seized several southern Iraq cities.
U.S. congressional elections and expanding
violence
On November 7, 2006, United States midterm elections removed the
Republican Party from control of both chambers of the United States
Congress. The failings in the Iraq War were cited as one of the main
causes of the Republicans' defeat, even though the Bush
administration had attempted to distance itself from its earlier
"stay the course" rhetoric.
Bombing in Sadr City On November 23, the deadliest attack since the
beginning of the Iraq war occurred. Suspected Sunni-Arab
militants used five suicide car bombs and two mortar rounds on the
capital's Shiite Sadr City slum to kill at least 215 people and
wound 257. Shiite mortar teams quickly retaliated, firing 10 shells
at Sunni Islam's most important shrine in Baghdad, badly damaging
the Abu Hanifa mosque and killing one person. Eight more rounds
slammed down near the offices of the Association of Muslim Scholars,
the top Sunni Muslim organisation in Iraq, setting nearby houses on
fire. Two other mortar barrages on Sunni neighborhoods in west
Baghdad killed nine and wounded 21, police said.
On November 28, another Marine Corps intelligence report was
released confirming the previous report on Anbar stating that, "U.S.
and Iraqi troops 'are no longer capable of militarily defeating the
insurgency in al-Anbar,' and 'nearly all government institutions
from the village to provincial levels have disintegrated or have
been thoroughly corrupted and infiltrated by Al Qaeda in Iraq.'"
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